Case marking in Russian eventive nominalisations revisited

In this paper, we analyse case marking in Russian eventive nominalisations recently discussed in Pereltsvaig 2018 with regards to two competing theories of case: the Inherent Case Theory (Woolford 2006; 2009) and the Dependent Case Theory (Marantz 1991). We contest the view that Russian eventive nominalisations display ergative alignment (Koptjevskaja-Tamm 1993) and argue that Russian is a nominative-accusative language across the board. We propose an analysis for the syntax of Russian eventive nominalisations and show that, contrary to Pereltsvaig (2018), they are in principle incapable of disproving the DCT. The resulting analysis is trivially compatible with the DCT.

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