Free Merge, negative concord and long-distance scrambling in Russian

I provide an argument against Upward Agree based on the interaction between strict negative concord and long-distance scrambling in Russian. The main gist of that argument is that the locality condition regulating the licensing of negative concord items by sentential negation can be circumvented by overt movement if and only if the landing site of that movement is above negation. I then develop an account in terms of Downward Agree capturing the observed distribution.

The slides can be accessed here, but have been superseded by the following paper provisionally accepted to appear in Syntax.